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Security at the 2008 Beijing Olympics - Term Paper Example

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"Security at the 2008 Beijing Olympics" paper discusses the security plan involved at the 2008 Olympics, the agencies involved and the strategies used in not only these events, but also others of the same kind. The paper looks at different perspectives on the security governance at such SMEs. …
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Extract of sample "Security at the 2008 Beijing Olympics"

Security at the 2008 Beijing Olympics Name: Course Professor’s name University name City, State Date of submission Abstract Big sports events, commonly known by the name sports mega-events or SMEs are growing internationally and attract the minds of even those not interested in sports. The security of such events is a major issue that is addressed, mostly owing to the 9/11 terrorist attacks. The 2008 Beijing Organizing Committee for the Games of the XXIX Olympiad had come up with security as its topmost priority (Yu, Klauser and Chan, 2009). This paper will indulge into the safety issues of these particular games and will source its work from media articles and some official prints. It will discuss the security plan involved at the 2008 Olympics, the agencies involved and the strategies used in not only these events, but also others of the same kind. The paper will look at different perspectives on the security governance at such SMEs. There will be a proposal at the end of the document suggesting ways in which security can be improved at SMEs. Introduction These types of events generate big opportunities for the host countries, both economically and socio-culturally (Horne and Manzenreiter, 2006). This does not only come with pure advantage for the hosts, but with some disadvantages concerning security. What brought this on were the September 11 attacks and the American assault of Iraq. Radicalism has significantly impacted security. The 2004 Olympics were held in Athens where the security expenditure amounted to about 1.5 billion US dollars, which was more than twice the 2000 Sydney games (2008 Beijing Olympic Games Action Plan: Construction of Olympic Games Competition Venues and Related Facilities, 2008). The security expenditure for the Chinese is trusted to have gone above that amount, although it has not been revealed. These humongous costs in safety concerns can be defended by the demand to give safe and non-risk sports for the competitors, visitors and the locals (Yu, Klauser and Chan, 2009). We shall take four subtleties of current security authority at SMEs in order to connect the problematic effects of such events. They are globalization, standardization, technologization and commercialization of SMEs’ securitization. We are particularly interested in the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games for some reasons. First, there have been new political and socio-economic alterations in China’s stand in the world’s economic system. This raises issues concerning China’s general position and responsibility and its participation in joint, global securitization of SMEs (Yu, Klauser and Chan, 2009). Secondly, the country’s socio-economic characteristics give a fervent task for the participation of Western-dominated networks in SME issues, which make it important to understand the connection between the different players involved in the securitization of these sports. Thirdly, there have been debates on the marginal and civil rights in the country, raising a few questions on moral issues relating to the use of big, high-tech security policies which call for severe investigation (Yu, Klauser and Chan, 2009). The investigation is connected to the relationship between three fields of theoretical and experiential research. A growing organization has in some recent years tried to study the glitches and opportunities that are brought up by the organization and hosting of SMEs (Yu, Klauser and Chan, 2009). In this particular field, there are two types of spheres that can be set apart as Yu, Klauser and Chan (2009) argue. One is based on the fiscal valuation of the SMEs in values of what they call ‘urban entrepreneurialism’, promoting cities’ and the nation’s tourist outlook, helping in urban changes, attracting financial ventures and so producing fiscal developments (Graham, 2001). The additional one looks for more explanatory and qualitative occurrences, which refers to the sociology and political policies of these events (Yu, Klauser and Chan, 2009). Mostly, there has been little attention paid to the causes and impact of security subjects at SMEs. There have been very minimal academic works on the critical implication surrounding SMEs despite the growing relevance of security matters. Insecurity Atmosphere In this segment, we are going to be looking at the risk issues spread about by the Chinese mass media in the days before the games. They reported a broad range of threats to the 2008 Olympic games. Three stood out particularly. The articles focused on criminal activities, locally and foreign-related. They range from small crimes, kidnappings, rapes, and frauds to internationally systematized crimes and people smuggling (Yu, Klauser and Chan, 2009). China has a high population and greater diversity than any other country that has ever hosted the Olympics. Beijing was so seen as presenting above-the-bar crime rates, greater rates of felonies and a higher level of specialist criminals. The second issue was that of terrorism. This was given as the supreme threatening issue (Yu, Klauser and Chan, 2009). China has faced terrorist attacks though not as major as those of their Western counterparts, from religious groups and ethnic minorities. The most dangerous crime syndicate family was the Xinjiang independence organization according to the committee. The leader of the military agency of the Security Command Center of the event was quoted saying that the major dangers faced were the terrorist groups East Turkistan, Tibetan Separatists and the Falun Gong cult (Yu, Klauser and Chan, 2009). The third threat faced was apparently the multiple powers of the games’ socio-cultural and political imagery. Disruption was eminent through the actions of the Tibetan Independence agencies. These were found to be threatening to the athletes and inhabitants but more so, the symbolism of the Olympics as China’s agreement and rising power in world affairs (Yu, Klauser and Chan, 2009). ‘The goal of all Dalai Lama schemes is to split the motherland, sabotage ethnic unity, sabotage China’s relations with other nations and interfere with the Olympic Games’ was the quote from Foreign Ministry Spokeswoman, Jiang Yu. The threats to imagery can also be seen through other stigmatized communal groups, such as protesting migrants, human rights activists, religious petitioners and others. In the local press, the country warned against crime activities by agencies that attempted to sabotage the functioning of the Olympics. China then made clear rules for the arrival, exit and the visit of foreigners during the event (Yu, Klauser and Chan, 2009). Unwelcome foreigners, according to Beijing2008 (2008), the official website, included: ‘Those who have been deported or prohibited from entering China by the Chinese government; those who might commit acts of terrorism, violence or subversion after entering China; those who might engage in smuggling, drug dealing or prostitution after entering China; those who are suffering from mental disorders or insanity, sexually transmitted diseases, tuberculosis or other infectious diseases; those who cannot guarantee their ability to support themselves financially while in China; and those who might engage in any acts that threaten the security or interests of China.’ The Dimension of Security Governance at the 2008 Beijing Games It is relevant to note the aspect of security plans in order to understand how these strategies were used to address the different types of risks and how they gave birth to effects on public order (Yu, Klauser and Chan, 2009). Security leadership at the Olympics mainly concentrated on particular ideas within the city environment, conforming to points on the city’s transport routes, such as airfields, subways and to other locations such as arenas and hotels for officers. Safeguarding these points was the primary task of the Chinese forces and private defense firms. Focused at forming a safe and non-risk place by managing the movements of people and things, going over the midpoints between the internal and external places at particular nodes in spread outs, access management shows the spatial reason for securitization, which involves selection, classification, differentiation, arrangement and control of particular sections of spread outs, without giving the same focus to the entire area (Yu, Klauser and Chan, 2009). Access control as seen focuses on the guarantee of the perfect performance of separated, distinguished and hierarchically methodical segments of the environment, usually done to the point of full separation of indoors and outdoors areas i.e. secured and none secured areas (Eick, 2011). As an example, we will take a look at the ‘ Bird’s Nest’, the city’s most famous Olympic stadium. The ticket entrances were connected to an oval shaped defense barrier at a space of about 21.8 yards from the arena. The barrier gave allowance for the split of the arena’s connecting space into 2 clear areas: the check-in zone, accessible to the public, and the internal defense zone, which lead exactly to the Bird’s Nest and allowed the spectators to search for daises or wait to go out (Yu, Klauser and Chan, 2009). Security forces were also mainly directed to Chaoyang District of Beijing where the main stadium was located, including 13 out of the 31 venues. As per reports by the Beijing News, extra 2000 cameras, provided with facial appearance and license registration identification software were installed. This covered 54.2% of the district. The security arrangements were also focused on Beijing itself and the population as a whole. A total of about 10 million people agreed to participate in Olympic security by signing and pledging to this. Active Networks in Security Governance at the Beijing Games Security leadership can be said to be the result of relations brought about by different affiliation, intent and realms of capability (Yu, Klauser and Chan, 2009). It is thus necessary to study the systems that are used in the set-up, growth and the usage of the defense mechanism at the Beijing Olympics. 1. Security Collaborations In the post-9/11 war on radicalism context, issues of violence, political ruptures, and radicalism are fueled by international systems that can be worldwide and local (Yu, Klauser and Chan, 2009). Global actors may meet up with local networks in security governance where ideas and concepts are exchanged. Relationships emerge here. Beijing welcomed many skilled officials from 75 organizations worldwide in 12 nations to collaborate in this securitization. 2. Private Firms Private providers play a significant role in security at SMEs. These companies have cutting-edge technology and services in security matters. For example, a company known as Honeywell was stated to have set up a complex mainframe observation system that enabled Chinese forces to look into CCTV views of public areas next to venues. Other software and technology were delivered by companies such as United Technologies, the European Aeronautic Defence and Space Company, Siemens, etc. State and home organizations also played a dynamic role. Companies such as Tsinghua Tongfang were responsible for the Ditan Gymnasium Olympic security project (Yu, Klauser and Chan, 2009). Security Strategies The media made reports of internal and international security dangers at the Olympics. These reports were helpful as they controlled the legitimization of growth of shadowing and strengthened management. There were three strategies used at the Olympics and used at SMEs generally. They are based on the diffrences between defensive, involving and suppressive security approaches (Yu, Klauser and Chan, 2009). 1. Preventive Strategies Before the event, surveillance had increased to a substantial amount as noted earlier. This was brought about by the extensive use of cutting-edge security technologies and the international exchanges of criminal and terrorism suspects. Security personnel was trained through specific programs and exercises. These programs provided a space for experimentation and rehearsal before the D-day. One type of these events was the Good Luck Beijing event that brought together all security personnel that would be active during the event (Yu, Klauser and Chan, 2009). 2. Engaging Strategies This focused on the mobilization of an enormous security network in Beijing. Four types of systems were involved in this: a patrol network, a state institution one, a public security one, and a community network. Security was further enhanced when the country promoted tutoring on defense and crime deterrence, encouraging the community to be watchful, careful even at their homes and take security upon them. An atmosphere had to be formed where no crime could flourish (Yu, Klauser and Chan, 2009). 3. Repressive Strategy The above strategies were connected to the suppression of unwanted components that were thought to be harmful to Beijing’s setting and to jeopardize the games’ perfect running (Yu, Klauser and Chan, 2009). Before the games, some activities that could interfere with a harmonious environment were banned. Political rebels were kept under close watch. Conclusion This paper has given a security perspective on the 2008 Beijing Olympics. Emphasis has been given to the relevance of public to private and multinational collaborations and the use of cutting-edge technological techniques as the basis for securitization. This paper, therefore, creates a mental imagery of how security strategies work, at local and international levels. The analysis proposes further research into the positions and social effects of SMEs in the manufacture and motion of security and surveillance related processes and skill. There is a demand to research on the growing relevance of non-public active networks and profitable objectives in the current growth of defense governance. Effects of this growth are connected to the issue of how the growing influence and ruler of non-public experts in issues of community safety can change the techniques of dealing with security issues. In addition, there is a need for investigating what the effects of profiling specific individuals and groups are. There is also a question of how the technologies used at the event will be used in the future. What ways can these technological advancements be employed in the day-to-day life of the citizens? These issues should be addressed, and consequences calculated in order to prevent possible mistakes in the coming Olympics. References 2008 Beijing Olympic Games Action Plan: Construction of Olympic Games Competition Venues and Related Facilities. (2008). Chinese Law & Government, 41(4), pp.15-19. Beijing2008, (2008). Beijing Olympic City Development Association. [online] Available at: http://en.beijing2008.cn [Accessed 23 Mar. 2015]. Eick, V. (2011). Lack of Legacy? Shadows of Surveillance after the 2006 FIFA World Cup in Germany. Urban Studies, 48(15), pp.3329-3345. Graham, S. (2001). Information Technologies and Reconfigurations of Urban Space. Int J Urban & Regional Res, 25(2), pp.405-410. Horne, J. and Manzenreiter, W. (2006). Sports mega-events. Malden, MA: Blackwell Pub./Sociological Review. Yu, Y., Klauser, F. and Chan, G. (2009). Governing Security at the 2008 Beijing Olympics. The International Journal of the History of Sports, 26(3), pp.309-405. Read More
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