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Historical, Social, Economic, and Political Reasons for Secession Support of Quebec - Essay Example

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The essay "Historical, Social, Economic, and Political Reasons for Secession Support of Quebec" focuses on the critical analysis of the major historical, social, economic, and political reasons for Quebec's secession support. A lot of literature deals with Quebecers welcoming the notion of state…
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Historical, Social, Economic, and Political Reasons for Secession Support of Quebec
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Extract of sample "Historical, Social, Economic, and Political Reasons for Secession Support of Quebec"

?LITERATURE REVIEW OF QUEBEC’S SECESSION SUPPORT Literature Review of Quebec’s Secession Support Sanaz Bahrini Sociology 1145 Ron Brown March 9, There exists a plethora of literature surrounding Quebecers welcome and advocacy for the notion of the state within Canada. These reasons are broadly tailored around historical issues and culture, economic rationale, as well as social and political arguments. On the whole, those who support sovereignty of Quebec within Canada believe that the present relationship that Quebec has with the rest of Canada reflects little, if any at all, of Quebec’s economic, social and political developmental scenario. The more intriguing aspect is the whole issue of Quebec’s cultural distinctiveness, and that lack of this recognition places Quebecers as disadvantaged in many respects in favor of the English-Canadian majority. Based on this is a fight for cultural survival (Young et al, 1996). Historically, the fact that Canada’s foundation as a colony of France and thereby, the undying influence of French-Canadian culture, it is widely explanatory for Canada to exist without Quebec. However, a number of people profoundly assert that independence of Quebec would ensure that there are legislations that would secure Quebecers culture (Flett. et al., 1999). In addition, there is the increasing question as to whether Quebec’s independence and sovereignty would bridge the gap between the cultural nations that exist in the larger Canada, while ensuring equality and stability in Canada in a manner that no section is marginalized (Young et al, 2000). Socially, Canada is the envy of the world’s democracies due to its elaborate provision of quality of life, rights, and liberties to its citizens, both English-speaking and French-speaking. In this case, those opposed to separation use this argument to claim that separation of Quebec from Canada will not only divide them from their historical homeland, but also will lead to Quebecers losing the health and other human services that comprise the world’s most successful social structure. However, proponents of separation argue that the separation will only create a new political state but Quebec will continue relating with Canada diplomatically. Economically, the issues that have been raised revolve around monetary policy, currency, international trade, and relations (Carens, 1995). These factors, coupled with the need of Quebec to engage in international free trade, have upset the status quo. Political reasons surrounding the separation debates are many. One of the obvious political events that inform Quebec’s need for sovereignty lies in the political movements that support separation (Flett. et al., 1999). Secondly, the Referendum outcome might have angered the Quebecers. In this case, Flett et al. (1999) observe that residents of Canada went through an ‘extraordinary turmoil’ on October 30, 1995, when the province, Quebec, conducted a referendum of separation from the larger Canada. They assert that the possibility that Quebec would likely secede was a real threat to the English Speaking Canadians (Bumsted, 1993). Flett et al (1999) observe that, since opinion polls had indicated that indeed Quebec would separate, the rest of Canadians were threatened and ‘distressed’ until the results were announced. It was in this threat that Young et al (1998) observe as seeing many Canadians participating in pre-referendum campaign championing for national unity, a move that is seen to have influenced that result at 50.4%. The authors argue, however, that the result was highly dramatized and this has been one of the reasons that have fueled Quebec’s constant need to secede (Flett et al., 1999). Despite the failure of separation to materialize, the Canadian Federal Government is aware that a number of people still fancy such separation, driven by the resulting economic and political benefits. Therefore, they tried to formulate another deal with the Quebec people such as the Constitution Act of 1982, an act that included, among others, language laws and protection of Civil Liberties. The authors also observe that the act, regardless of its profound provisions, did not recognize the distinctiveness of Quebec as a society and therefore Quebec did not give into or ratify its provisions. Economically, Lapuchella (2000) observes that English Speaking Canadians harbor many reservations and are concerned with Quebec support of free trade. This is because they see it as a bottleneck to Canadian economic sovereignty and culture. Yet, Quebec sees it as a strong departure from Canadian economic control and a strong statement of sovereignty. Lapuchella (2000) reasons that, Quebecers’ participation in Free Trade Agreement (FTA) allows them to become a part of the global political system and thereby enabling them to appreciate and continuously support their independent identity. He thus proposes that the FTA could consider ‘forcing’ Quebec in considering common interdependency with Canada, the United States of America, and Mexico (Lapachella, 2000). Lachapelle (2000) argues that people tend to not see Quebec’s idea of sovereignty as the only “acceptable path towards greater autonomy.’’ He notes that the Government of Canada and its structures have since been an impediment to Quebec’s meaningful participation in world affairs. In addition, he cites that it has always been indeed a bottleneck for Quebecer government to form a delegation in Washington D. C. One of the earlier developments he vehemently laments is the fact that the Canadian Ambassador to Washington D.C. at the height of the American Council for Quebec Studies (ACQS) meeting in 1994 was intimidative and clearly brought to the fore, the fact that it is only through Canada that the Quebec government can meet with American officials. Further, this illuminated the fact that the Canadian Government was unwilling to grant Quebec a special status that would affirm its independence within Canada (Lapachella, 2000). Historically, the question Lapachella (2000) is asking therefore is whether Quebec’s plight could ever be addressed, given the tendency of big nations to neglect the cultural and political needs of smaller nations. Historically, given the fact that Canada’s foundation is a colony of France and thereby the undying influence of French-Canadian culture, it is widely seen that it is difficult for Canada to exist with Quebec (Lapachella, 2000). Young et al (1998), in reference to the definition of the term culture as a “set of shared attitudes, values, goals, and practices that characterizes an institution, organization or a group of people,’’ argues that Quebec culture is so distinct from the English Speaking Canadian and that there is thus a need for separation. In 1970, the then Prime Minister Pierre E. Trudeau is said to have used force to suppress the growth of Sovereignist Movement. Accordingly, therefore, Young et al (1998) ideologically argue that the drawback with Liberalism is that it does not allow smaller nations to mature up. Canadians had believed that, with the onset of the separatist movement in the province of Quebec, separation demand had become a huge threat; therefore, they tried to persuade the Quebecers with the proposition of accommodating them with the Victorian Charter. The Quebec’s Prime Minister at the time agreed but later turned it down on the grounds that the public opinion in Quebec disliked it. The issues they brought on the fore included the fact that the Victorian Charter did not have any special provisions to the people of Quebec, and had little guarantee for power and veto (Young et al, 1998) Economically, Lapachella (2000) argues that most Quebecers support the pursuit of progress, while still pursuing their sovereignty. He profoundly asserts that it is impossible for any independent political entity to engage in the process that automatically derails its power and ‘home rule’. He disagrees with earlier exposition, which emphasizes the fact that economic integration and sovereignty are not compatible, based on the ideology that one eliminates the other. He adds that the fact that Canada is able to work for greater sovereignty to attain an improved status and rank in the world points to the fact that Quebec would do the same when it secedes (Lapachella, 2000). In conclusion, although Quebec may be willing to attain autonomy from the larger Canadian jurisdiction, it faces a challenge in putting up structures that would sufficiently support its economic, political, cultural, and social ideologies. However, there are those who believe that separation of Quebec from Canada would be ideal, given its historical and cultural distinction from the English-speaking Canada, as well as support that would arise from its allegiance to free trade from countries such as US, France and Mexico just to mention but a few. This may nevertheless not be achievable owing to the influential power of Canada, which sees the separation as an act of weakening its sovereignty. Economically, Canada has denied Quebec participation in FTA, while at the same time using its political power to curtail any diplomatic relations between Quebec and the outside world. On social perspective, although separation may lead elimination of Quebecers from the lucrative social structure they have been enjoying, continued cordial relationship between Quebec and Canada will provide a smooth transition that will help the new state build its own social structure that can provide adequate services to its people. References Bumsted, J. M. (1993). Interpreting Canada's Past: Post-confederation. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Carens, J. H. (1995). Is Quebec Nationalism Just? Perspectives from Anglophone Canada. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press. Flett, G. et al. (1996). The Interaction Model of Anxiety and the threat of Quebec’s Separation. New York. American Psychological Association. Lachapelle, G. (2000). Quebec under Free Trade: Between Independence and Tran nationalism. Montreal: Concordia University. Young, A. et al. (1998). The Secession of Quebec and the future of Canada. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s Press, Read More
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